The tariff war is increasingly becoming an all-out trade war –– with many nations including our closest allies. Reliance now on Section 338 is outrageous as well as claims of forced labor. Section 338 has never been relied upon over the almost last 100 years (since its inception in 1930’s). Trump’s reliance on Section 301 “Retaliation’ is even worse. Trump’s ever-changing legal rationales on a broad range of tariff actions are ludicrous. They make a mockery out of the law.
Trump’s economic and military threats are no longer bearing much fruit. Just look at the recent Iranian and Canadian threats.
Trump’s tariffs have simply not increased U.S. manufacturing. This is clear from the data. They have only increased the wealth-wage divide in the U.S.
Trump’s tariffs have endangered U.S. foreign policy and drove away our closest allies. emboldened our adversaries and endangered our national security.
Courts and Congress need to be more aggressive in their overview. Politicians and the broad range of individuals, consumers, farmers and firms — large and small — need to immediately raise their voices of confrontation. ‘Enough.’ The Supreme Court needs to get back into this constitutional fray.
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“The age of capitulation that defined Trump’s return to office may be starting to fade. World leaders and domestic institutions are, in some cases at least, showing less willingness to submit to Trump’s will …. Universities and law firms are rebuffing his directives rather than signing on the bottom line …. The clash with Canada brings a lot of that history to the fore. Both sides have continued to escalate in recent days.” ““Deference to Trump Turns Increasingly to Defiance.” New York Times (August 27, 2026).
“The president has invoked a long dormant section of law to hit one of America’s closest allies, a move that has troubled courts in the past …. To impose punishing tariffs around the world, President Trump has repeatedly turned to a series of decades-old, never-before-used trade powers, only to be slapped down by federal courts for overstepping the law …. His new trade war against Canada — risking yet another round of costly legal wrangling for the White House …. Before this weekend, no president appears to have issued tariffs under Section 338, so Trump’s actions quickly raised novel legal questions about a law that had otherwise sat dormant …. No one had brought a similar lawsuit challenging the president’s use of Section 338 against Canada …. Under the 1930 law, a president can impose tariffs in response to a country that has placed “unequal impositions or discriminations” on American goods but not on the rest of the world …. But the statute also goes one step further: If the tariffed country “maintained or increased its said discriminations” in response to the new duties, then the president may exclude some of those imported goods from the United States altogether …. One of those laws is the Trade Act of 1974, which includes Section 301, a tool that the president may use to investigate unfair trade practices and impose tariffs in response. It is more settled legal ground, though Trump’s aggressive use of it this year — targeting dozens countries in bulk — has produced its own legal challenge pending before the courts …. The matter could land in the hands of the Court of International Trade, which has repeatedly taken issue with Trump’s expressions of tariff authority. To that end, another loss for the president could further restrain his powers to impose duties without Congress.” “Canadian Tariffs and Section 338.” New York Times (8.27.26).
“Just when you thought Donald Trump was thoroughly engaged with other misadventures like the Iran war, he decided to pick another tariff fight with a neighbour that has faced him down before. With inflation posing a risk to his already slumping popularity, Trump’s tariff follies are politically ever more ill-advised …. Far from weakening the target country’s resolve, a mindlessly aggressive campaign frequently unites it in opposition …. The other lesson Trump has failed to absorb is that tariff wars don’t actually do much damage, except to the US’s credibility …. Trump has now spent a year and a half throwing rocks into the rivers of world commerce, only to find trade flowing over and around them. He set out in his second term determined to stop China simply rerouting its exports to the US through third countries, as happened during his first. The howling anger of the White House’s recent screed against what it wrongly calls “transshipment” shows he knows he is failing.” “Trump’s Tariff Battle Plan — Witless.” Financial Times (August 28, 2026).
“American manufacturing is resurgent despite the president’s protectionist measures, not because of them. Nor does the boom look much like the one he promised …. Uniquely strong demand conditions in two sectors have underpinned the expansion of industrial output, rather than a surge in tariff-related onshoring. The first is computer and electronic products, which includes the chips and servers feeding the ongoing AI frenzy. Next is aerospace, where aircraft backlogs …. There is another inconvenient data point for tariff backers. If tariffs were driving a broad reshoring boom, one would expect domestic production to displace imports. Instead, the manufacturing revival has dovetailed with a notable pick-up in purchases from abroad …. “The AI build-out, aircraft back-orders, tax deductions for capital expenditure in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act and even the Iran war are driving the recent US manufacturing surge …. In other words, Trump’s tariffs are proving a blunt tool for reviving his nostalgic vision of manufacturing. America’s industrial strengths are proving resilient in spite of them — and would have been stronger still without them.” “US manufacturing is booming — but it’s no thanks to Trump’s tariffs.” Financial Times (Aug. 29, 2026).
“President Trump’s repeated attempts to impose tariffs have become an encapsulation of his second term. They have hurt the American economy and his own popularity. They also range from legally dubious to blatantly illegal …. Still Trump’s defiance stands out. He has twice tried to circumvent the court’s tariff ruling, imposing new rounds of import fees by invoking legal justifications that are patently ridiculous …. This is part of a broader pattern …. Trump has taken this approach with tariffs, immigration and funding freezes …. His latest round of global tariffs offers an example. The administration’s rationale for them is a section of a 1974 law that empowers a president to enact tariffs against countries that import goods made with forced labor. Congress can play a vital role here …. Even many Republicans in Congress are unhappy about the tariffs, and they have the power to halt them. They can start with public criticism, which will raise the political cost for Trump of keeping the tariffs in place. If he does not yield, they should pass new laws closing the loopholes he has used. In the case of the Canada tariffs, Congress should pass legislation to make clear that he cannot use the 1930 law to enact sweeping tariffs …. Judges can act, too, especially on the forced-labor tariffs. They are now before the Court of International Trade, a federal body, and it should swiftly rule on them. As the leaders of 25 U.S. states argued in a legal filing, “The tariff action is arbitrary, capricious and contrary to law.” The administration’s claims about forced labor “make a mockery of the statute used to justify them.” …. While federal judges have often done an admirable job of trying to respond to. Trump’s illegal policies, the tariff cases highlight a core problem: Trump’s legalistic noncompliance moves more quickly than the courts do. When a judge rules one Trump policy to be illegal, he replaces it with a new one accomplishing similar aims …. Eventually, the forced-labor tariffs will probably go back to the Supreme Court, which needs to become nimbler about protecting the Constitution …. In economic terms, the policy has so far been a disappointment. The tariffs have raised prices on many goods, without producing a revival in manufacturing employment. Overall economic job growth has slowed in recent months. Instead of pulling back in response, Trump has doubled down on his trade war. Incredibly, the 1930 law that he has used to justify the Canadian tariffs is the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, a law notorious for contributing to the Great Depression.” …. The even more important principle, though, is the constitutional one. Trump is breaking the law. Congress and the judiciary need to respond.” “Ludicrous Legal Arguments Behind Trump’s Tariffs.” New York Times (August 30, 2026).
“Worsening trade tensions between the US and Canada have diverted attention away from the debate about the Trump administration’s use of Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 to reshape the US tariff schedule. Many have asked whether it can legally do so. But a different question needs to be considered: what kind of trade policy results when Section 301 becomes the foundation of the tariff regime? The answer lies in the statute’s basic logic. Section 301 of the Trade Act empowers the US Trade Representative to investigate and respond to specific foreign trading practices judged to be unfair. Tariffs are supposed to be a remedy. They are not supposed to be the objective …. A structurally unsettled trade policy also makes it harder for the US to persuade other countries to organise around its strategic priorities. Many in Washington, both Democrats and Republicans, believe the US needs a fundamentally different approach to trade in an era of rising geopolitical tension and rapidly changing technology. That debate is worth having, both in Washington and among its partners. Section 301 cannot answer that question. A tariff regime built on Section 301, a statute that is repeatedly revisited through successive investigations and reviews, sidesteps that debate rather than resolving it. The real question is not whether Section 301 can support a new tariff regime. It is whether the US is prepared to decide what that regime is for.” “Worsening U.S. Trade Policy and Section 301 Growing Reliance.” Financial Times (Sept. 1, 2026).
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